By Hector Madzima Anyone who believes the beerhall talk which claims that President Mnangagwa killed Generals during the COVID era should be labeled a foolish dimwit , dumber than a doorknob. The narrative which was spread by the old irrelevaant Blessed Geza was meant to hoodwink the gullible into thinking that Geza had the support …
The Enduring Bond Between Mnangagwa and Zimbabwe’s Military

By Hector Madzima
Anyone who believes the beerhall talk which claims that President Mnangagwa killed Generals during the COVID era should be labeled a foolish dimwit , dumber than a doorknob. The narrative which was spread by the old irrelevaant Blessed Geza was meant to hoodwink the gullible into thinking that Geza had the support of the military.
The passing of several senior generals over the years has touched President Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa deeply. For decades, he has been closely associated with the country’s security and military institutions, a relationship that stretches back to the liberation struggle and has continued through every phase of independent Zimbabwe’s history.
From the days of the liberation war in Mozambique, Mnangagwa’s involvement in the armed struggle was not limited to politics. He received military training and operated as part of the security and intelligence structure of the movement. Within that setting, he became known as the figure who linked the political leadership, then headed by Robert Mugabe, with the military wing of ZANLA. Many contemporaries have described him as the “military and security voice” that briefed and advised Mugabe during the most difficult stages of the war.
That long-standing role created a bond of mutual trust between Mnangagwa and the uniformed forces. Throughout the post-independence years, he was widely regarded as the army’s man in the civilian government — the figure who understood the thinking, culture, and values of the soldiers. His familiarity with military affairs was grounded in shared experiences dating back to training camps, operations in Mozambique, and subsequent years of nation-building. Mnangagwa served in different roles in government but the security and military decision making followed him throughout all his assignments.
This connection explains why the deaths of figures such as General Sibusiso Busi (SB) Moyo, Lieutenant Colonel Mahlaba, Major Trust Mugova, Air Marshal Perence Shiri, General Edzai Chimonyo, and Major General Douglas Nyikayaramba have been felt so personally by the President. These were not merely senior officers; they were men with whom he shared years of struggle and collaboration. SB Moyo and Lt. Col. Mahlaba, both from the Midlands and long-time protégés of Mnangagwa, viewed him as their mentor and elder brother. It was SB Moyo who risked his life in November 2017 to announce Operation Restore Legacy, the decisive military intervention that altered Zimbabwe’s political direction — a mission executed with Mnangagwa’s close coordination and support.
Major Trust Mugova had also worked with Mnangagwa since the liberation era and through the DRC conflict. General Edzai Chimonyo, though not as personally close as maybe SB Moyo he respected Mnangagwa’s command experience, while Air Marshal Perence Shiri had collaborated with him on numerous operations from the 1970s onward. Each loss, therefore, carries both institutional and personal weight.
Mnangagwa’s identity as a trained soldier has long made him a brother-in-arms to many in the Zimbabwe Defence Forces. His understanding of the discipline and ethos of military life has allowed him to maintain strong channels of communication between the political and security sectors. Observers of Zimbabwe’s political-military history often note that this symbiotic relationship has defined much of the country’s stability over the years.
For that reason, speculation suggesting discord between the President and the military often misreads the historical record. The alliance between Zimbabwe’s political leadership and its defence establishment is complex but enduring, and Mnangagwa’s career exemplifies that connection — one shaped by shared origins, mutual dependence, and a common understanding of national duty. The army will not revolt against Mnangagwa it doesn’t matter who spreads what propaganda the men and women in the barracks know their commander in chief, the war veterans who make up the reserve army know their comrade and many have benefited from Mnangagwa’s presence in government. The bond between Mnangagwa and the military was forged in in the flames of the liberation struggle and cannot be washed away by cheap propaganda.




